Santa Fe (detention facility)
|US Gov Name||Santa Fe Internment Camp|
|Facility Type||Department of Justice Internment Camp|
|Administrative Agency||U.S. Department of Justice|
|Location||Santa Fe, New Mexico (35.6833 lat, -105.9333 lng)|
|Date Opened||February 1942|
|Date Closed||September 1946|
|Population Description||Held people of Japanese descent from the continental U.S., Alaska, Hawa'ii, Latin America, and the Pacific Islands. Later included internees transferred from Tule Lake segregation center: 866 Japanese American "renunciants," those who had given up their U.S. citizenship, and 313 designated "troublemakers." After 1942, German and Italian nationals were held here.|
|General Description||Located 2.5 miles west of the Santa Fe city center, this 80-acre site in northern New Mexico included a Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) camp.|
|Peak Population||2,100 (1945-06-01)|
|National Park Service Info|
The Santa Fe Internment Camp held the largest number of Japanese American internees of any of the internment camps run by the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) or the army. Santa Fe initially held Issei men from the West Coast who had been arrested in the days and weeks after the attack on Pearl Harbor starting in March 1942. After their hearings, these men were released or paroled to other camps, with Santa Fe closing for the first time in September 1942. The camp reopened in March of 1943 when the army began transferring civilian internees back to INS camps. In 1945, Nisei/Kibei renunciants and Issei from Tule Lake were transferred to Santa Fe, and the population grew to over 2,000. By the time the camp closed for good in May of 1946, 4,555 Japanese American male internees had passed through Santa Fe. A marker overlooking the site of the camp was dedicated in 2002, capping a contentious process that saw vocal local opposition.
Origins, Layout and Environmental Conditions
The Santa Fe Internment Camp was located just 1½ miles from downtown Santa Fe and was the rare longer-term Japanese American confinement site located in a city, albeit a small one (population 20,325 in 1940) and one that was isolated from other populated areas. The camp was built on the site of a former CCC camp that had been built in 1933, then taken over by the New Mexico State Penitentiary. In February 1942, the INS acquired the 80-acre site and hired 150 local laborers to adapt the site for use as an internment camp. Located on hillside at an elevation of about 7,000 feet, the camp sported views in all directions, with the Rocky Mountains visible in one direction and what one internee called "a beautiful view of the city" on the other. Warm and mild nights in the summers turned to cold and sometimes snowy days in the winters. Issei journalist Yasutaro Soga wrote that the "weather in the Santa Fe highlands changes as often as a chameleon changes the color of its skin," noting 90°+ temperatures in July and subzero temperatures in January. Hawai'i businessman Kumaji Furuya believed Santa Fe to be colder even than the Missoula, Montana , camp he had come from and described icicles that "curved toward the barracks wall like archery bows," caused by the wind. Furuya also described blinding dust storms. 
The INS quickly expanded the camp's capacity from 450 to 1,400, using both existing structures that included eight 20' x 80' wood and tarpaper barracks along with newly built structures that included about a hundred 16' x 16' "Victory Huts" along with additional barracks. Coal stoves heated the barracks. The camp was divided into upper and lower areas—the internees referred to them as "shitamachi and "uemachi," literally "upper town" and "lower town"—with the older buildings in the upper area and the newer ones in the lower area. During the first incarnation of the camp, a single mess hall fed all of the internees. When the mess hall burned down soon after the camp reopened in 1943, a second mess hall was built in the lower area. Eventually, the upper area came to include a library, meeting hall, infirmary (called "pitifully inadequate" by Soga), and canteen, while the lower area included softball fields and other recreational areas, warehouses, and the vegetable farm. Later, Japanese-style baths were added to the latrines. As the internee population continued to grow in 1945, more barracks were added to the lower area. Internees slept side-by-side in the barracks in often overcrowded conditions. "The camp facilities were very poor," wrote Soga. "In the beginning, there were only a few bathrooms and toilets. Most important, water and electricity were unreliable." Conditions seem to have improved later, with the addition of such amenities as a bakery, a rudimentary golf course, a theater, and a fenced forty-acre hiking area, though overcrowding persisted. 
Internees arrived by train at the Lamy station, sixteen miles away, and traveled the rest of the way by truck. Local reaction to the camp was very negative even in comparison to other confinement sites due in part to the many New Mexico residents who had been stationed in the Philippines and who had suffered mistreatment at the hands of the Japanese military forces after its fall. Many locals thought the internees were Japanese POWs and called the camp the "Jap Trap." Anti-Japanese sentiment grew even stronger in March 1945 when some local survivors of the Bataan Death March began to return. There was also resentment about large purchases of food for the camp in 1942 that strained local supplies; in the camp's second incarnation, food mostly came through the army quartermaster general and was augmented by a nineteen-acre vegetable and poultry farm staffed by internees. Locals may also have been spooked by August 1942 inquiries by the INS about the possibility of Nisei children attending local schools when the INS briefly considered turning Santa Fe into a family camp. To protect the townspeople from the internees—or perhaps it was the other way around given the local sentiment—the camp was surrounded by ten-foot high fences topped with two additional feet of barbed wire. Guard towers were situated along the fence every one hundred yards, and spotlights scanned the camp. 
A total of 4,555 internees passed through Santa Fe, all of them men of Japanese descent. There were three distinct groups of internees. From March to September 1942, Santa Fe was used to hold 826 Issei internees from California who were transferred from short-term holding facilities starting on March 14. These were mostly middle-aged or older men who had been community leaders—Buddhist or Shinto clergymen, Japanese language school personnel, journalists, leaders of Japanese immigrant prefectural, cultural, or economic organizations—who had been arrested starting on the day of the attack on Pearl Harbor. After hearings by Alien Enemy Hearing Boards, 523 internees were paroled, most to War Relocation Authority administered concentration camps where they could at least rejoin their families, and 302 were designated to be interned for the duration of the war and sent on to army-run internment camps. One internee died. The last internee left on September 24, and the Santa Fe camp was deactivated. 
The second group of internees began arriving in March of 1943. With the growing numbers of prisoners of war stretching the resources of the army-run internment camps, the army and INS jointly decided to move the enemy alien internees back to INS-run camps. Thus, hundreds of Issei began to pour back into Santa Fe, whose internee population approached 1,900 by June 30, a little more than half of whom had come from the Lordsburg, New Mexico , camp, with others coming from Livingston (Louisiana) , Missoula (Montana) , Kenedy (Texas) and other camps. This group was demographically similar to the first. "They were all big shots! Owners of newspapers, lawyers, et cetera," remembered internee Masao Araki in a 1980 interview. But in addition to internees from the West Coast, there also internees from Hawai'i, Alaska, and Latin America. Through the second half of 1943 and 1944, Santa Fe's population fell as more internees were cleared to rejoin their families in either WRA camps or at the INS "family camp" at Crystal City for those who wanted to return to Japan. The many internees who had sons serving in the 100th Infantry Battalion , 442nd Regimental Combat Team , or Military Intelligence Service were initially given preference for rejoining their families. 
The third group of internees consisted of "troublemakers" from the Tule Lake "Segregation Center" starting at the end of 1944. With the gradual outflow of internees from Santa Fe, its population had dropped to about 1,000 by the end of 1944. Meanwhile, Tule Lake was embroiled in a crisis that saw thousands of Nisei seeking to renounce their American citizenships that December. Tule Lake administrators decided to address this by removing those they believed were leading these efforts and made arrangements with the INS to send them to Santa Fe. The first seventy arrived on December 30 with 171 arriving a month later. By the end of July, over eight hundred mostly young Nisei and Kibei renunciants from Tule Lake—along with another three hundred Issei—had been sent to Santa Fe. The rambunctious newcomers clashed with both the administration and the older Issei, which culminated in a March 1945 incident that will be described in more detail below. With the arrival of over one hundred more renunciants from other WRA camps that fall, as well as additional transfers from other INS camps, Santa Fe's population ballooned to over 2,000 even after Japan's surrender and remained at that level into October. From there, the population dropped quickly, with most sailing for Japan and others being released to return to their homes in Hawai'i or on the West Coast or being transferred to other camps. By January 3, 1946, there were only 477 internees left. The last twelve internees were sent to Crystal City on May 13, 1946, at which point the Santa Fe camp closed. 
Internee Life at Santa Fe
As at other enemy alien internment camps, Santa Fe's internees led a regimented existence in crowded conditions. The men slept side-by-side in the barracks. At peak population in the summer of 1945, Soga wrote that the beds were so closely packed together that internees "could reach out and touch the next bed" while lying down. The men dug "foxholes" under their beds for privacy. Guards initially checked on the inmates with flashlights three times a night, disturbing their sleep, though this practice was stopped and replaced by single checks in the morning and evening. Inmates took on many of the jobs required to run the camp, including staffing the mess halls, camp hospital, and camp farm, for which they were paid 80¢ a day in accordance with the Geneva Convention. Though inmates were not forced to work, there was never a problem filling the four hundred or so available jobs. Money earned could be spent at the canteen, which carried, among other things, Japanese foods, and starting from November 1944, beer, which was limited to one bottle per internee per day. The average meal cost was 39¢ a day per person. Writing in February 1945, Seikaku Takezono reported that the food was "suited to our Japanese taste and servings are more than ample." But Soga wrote that wartime food shortages began to affect the camp later that spring "affecting the quality and quantity of the food." Mail was the internees' connection to the outside world, though incoming and outgoing letters were censored as at other internment camps. Inmates began a daily one-sheet newspaper called the Santa Fe Jihō starting on July 1, 1943; articles in the paper had to pass muster with censors. A daily highlight for many were the daily news broadcasts by internee presenters every morning after breakfast. Broadcasters had to carefully balance their presentations between giving their audience the news of Japanese victories many wanted to hear, while avoiding the fate of one pair of reporters who had been banned by the administration for being overly nationalistic. 
A number of incidents also interrupted daily life. Not long after the camp reopened in 1943, a fire in the upper camp on June 23 burned down the mess hall, two barracks, and a recreation and meeting hall. Three meals a day had to be brought in from the state penitentiary for 1,800 internees who had to now eat outside. "The meals from the prison were very unappetizing. Looking at stew in a feed bucket, I was so repelled that I could not eat it or any of the other meals," recalled Soga while fellow internee George Hoshida wrote that they were "barely enough to keep us from hunger." Later, an outdoor kitchen was improvised while mess halls were constructed. Just a few days later, on June 28, a landslide in the lower camp left the floors of many barracks underwater. "Sanitary conditions at the camp for the next few days were terrible," wrote Soga. A flu epidemic in November 1943 sent 10% of the camp's population to the hospital, overwhelming the hospital; nearby classrooms had to be turned into sickrooms. This series of events led Hoshida, whose group had arrived just before the fire, to call Santa Fe "the worst equipped camp of all we've gone through." 
With much time on their hands, internees engaged in a wide range of recreational activities with the encouragement of the administration. The inmates played various sports including baseball and softball, tennis, and golf. After the arrival of the Tule Lake group in 1945, both young men's and older men's softball leagues formed, the former including Hawai'i, mainland, Tule Lake, and Latin American teams. Games drew a large portion of the camp's population as spectators. The Hinomoto Troupe, a drama group formed at Lordsburg continued at Santa Fe and mounted elaborate productions first in an outdoor amphitheater, then in an indoor theater completed at the end of 1944. Go and shogi and movies served as other forms of nighttime entertainment. Internees were allowed to hike (accompanied by guards) in an area north of camp, and many collected and polished colorful stones and fossils. Some internees gardened, while others kept stray cats or horned toads as pets. An educational program allowed inmates with expertise in various subjects to teach classes. Internees hired local photographers to take pictures; the men from Hawai'i enjoyed the novelty of taking pictures in the snow. Internees also gathered to celebrate such milestones as the emperor's birthday, and New Year's, as well as the arrival or departure of groups of internees. These typically included special meals, speeches, entertainment and special baseball games or sumo tournaments. Memorial services were held both for Japanese soldiers and for internees who had died at Santa Fe and for the Nisei sons of internees who had been killed in Europe as members of the 100th or 442nd. Finally, there were illicit activities, including gambling and the brewing of sake. 
Though limited, the internees had some opportunities to escape the confines of the camp. Since there were no facilities in the camp, internees who needed them were taken to town for dentures and glasses and were able to tour the town on these outings. There were also allowed to take visits to the nearly Cross of the Martyrs. There were a few outside work opportunities as well. A local golf course hired inmates to help care for the course, in exchange for their being able to use the course for half a day. An apple orchard in Tesuque paid internees to pick apples. However, local sentiment turned against these ventures, especially after the return of local Bataan survivors. As a headline in the The Santa Fe New Mexican succinctly put it, "Want Jerries Instead of Nips at Golf Course." 
Administration, Self-Government, and Unrest
Santa Fe's staffing mostly came from the ranks of the INS or Border Patrol. Ivan Williams served as the first officer-in-charge during the camp's 1942 interim before departing to assume leadership of the Kenedy, Texas, camp. Loyd H. Jensen (1906–51), who had been a patrol inspector for the INS, succeeded him. When Jensen took a similar post at Ellis Island in October 1944, Williams returned for a second stint. Abner Schreiber was the assistant-officer-in-charge under both Jensen and Williams. In his article on the camp, John Culley wrote that it "was well managed and functioned with a minimum of strife, controversy, and publicity." 
With the cooperation of the administration, internees elected their own leadership. This leadership served as spokesmen for the internees in interactions with the administration and also effectively ran many aspects of day-to-day life such as education, sports, and entertainment programs. Internees elected a wide range of officers from barracks leaders and assistants to heads of some thirty different departments. They also elected a camp-wide leadership group headed by a chief administrator to three month terms. Given the camp's population, it is not surprising that this leadership proved to be a fractious one and that few wanted the thankless chief job, "because some of the barracks leaders they would have to deal with were political fanatics—always picky and critical," as Furuya put it. Ichikuro Kondo, a farmer from San Jose, was the first chief when the camp reopened in 1943 and served four non-consecutive terms. Los Angeles area legal advisor and community leader Katsuma Mukaeda succeeded Kondo, with the enigmatic Tsuneyoshi Koba—despite having been exposed as an imposter who had forged his medical degree and who had been arrested multiple times before the war, he somehow became the camp doctor at Kooskia before the INS discovered his past—holding the position for much of the last camp's last year. 
The internees could and did appeal to the Spanish consul in San Francisco, F. D Amat, to address various grievances they had at Santa Fe. Their main complaint through 1943–44 was family separation and seemingly glacial pace at which decisions on allowing internees to reunite with their families—whether in WRA camps or at the INS family camp in Crystal City, Texas—were being made. In December 1943, 350 inmates demanded to be reunited with the families at Crystal City by the end of January, threatening to demand that the Japanese government retaliate by separating American civilians from their families. Jerre Mangione, the public relations director for the INS, reported being besieged by appeals by inmates to help with their reunification cases when he visited Santa Fe. Further tensions flared over the Crystal City program in March 1944. 
The most notable clash between internees and the administration came in March 1945 after the arrival of the first groups from Tule Lake. On February 21, 1945, Officer-in-Charge Williams jailed three of the newcomers—Tsutomu Higashi, Jitsushige Tsuha, and Zenshiro Tachibana—to twenty days in the camp jail for disobeying orders and for "insolence" directed at Williams and a nurse. He later decided to send the men to the Ft. Stanton camp. After the arrival of a new group from Tule Lake on March 7, Williams ordered internees to turn in clothing with nationalistic emblems. When they did not, he had thirty Border Patrol inspectors come in and search the camp, confiscating much of the suspect clothing. On the 12th, when guards came to remove the three prisoners to Ft. Stanton, about 250 internees gathered at the gate to see them off. When the internees disregarded repeated calls to disburse, guards fired tear gas into the crowd, with some of them going into the crowd and beating internees. Four internees had to be hospitalized with injuries. "They looked awful, bleeding terribly from injuries to their head and other parts of their bodies," reported Furuya. The administration subsequently segregated 350 internees in the lower camp area, building a fence around their barracks. "It was a dismal and heart-wrenching situation," wrote Soga. Eventually, seventeen of the men believed to be leading the dissent were taken to Fort Stanton. The segregated area was taken down on March 31. There were were no further incidents. The incident was not reported in local papers until a year later. 
Closing and Aftermath
After the last internees left in May 1946, the camp was dismantled and its various components sold. In the 1950s, construction on the Casa Solana Subdivision took place on the site of camp, erasing any trace of it. The camp today is the site of houses and apartments in an area near St. Francis Drive and West Alameda Street. 
A push to build a marker for the camp began in the late 1990s and met vehement protests from local survivors of the Bataan Death March and others who misunderstood the camp's history. The Santa Fe City Council deadlocked on a vote to approve a marker, and Mayor Larry Delgado cast the tie breaking vote in favor. The marker, consisting of a bronze plaque mounted on a boulder, was dedicated on April 20, 2002. The marker is on a hill overlooking the site in Frank Ortiz Park. 
For More Information
Carroll, Kara, and Andrew B. Russell. "The Santa Fe Detention and Internment Camp." Edited by Gail Okawa. In Confinement in the Land of Enchantment . Ed. Sarah R. Payne. Fort Collins, Colo.: Colorado State University, Public Lands History Center, .
Culley, John J. "The Santa Fe Internment Camp and the Justice Department Program for Enemy Aliens." In Japanese Americans: From Relocation to Redress . Ed. by Roger Daniels, Sandra C. Taylor, and Harry H. L. Kitano. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1986. Revised edition. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1991. 57-71.
Furuya, Suikei. An Internment Odyssey: Haisho Tenten . Translated by Tatsumi Hayashi. Foreword by Gary Y. Okihiro. Introduction by Brian Niiya and Sheila Chun. Honolulu: Japanese Cultural Center of Hawai'i, 2017.
Hoshida, George and Tamae. Taken from the Paradise Isle: The Hoshida Family Story . Ed. Heidi Kim. Foreword by Franklin Odo. Boulder: University of Colorado Press, 2015.
Kashima, Tetsuden. Judgment Without Trial: Japanese American Imprisonment during World War II . Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2002.
Melzer, Richard. “Casualties of Caution and Fear: Life in Santa Fe’s Japanese Internment Camp, 1942–46.” In Essays in Twentieth-Century New Mexico History . Ed. Judith Boyce DeMark. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994. 213–40.
Okawa, Gail. Remembering Our Grandfathers' Exile: US Imprisonment of Hawaii's Japanese in World War II . Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2020.
Rogers, Everett M., and Nancy R. Bartlit. Silent Voices of World War II: When Sons of the Land of Enchantment Met Sons of the Land of the Risng Sun . Santa Fe: Sunstone Press, 2005.
Soga, Yasutaro [Keiho]. Life behind Barbed Wire: The World War II Internment Memoirs of a Hawai'i Issei. Translated by Kihei Hirai. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2008.
- ↑ Kara Carroll and Andrew B. Russell, "The Santa Fe Detention and Internment Camp," edited by Gail Okawa, in Confinement in the Land of Enchantment , ed. Sarah R. Payne. Fort Collins, Colo.: Colorado State University, Public Lands History Center, , 41–42; John J. Culley, "The Santa Fe Internment Camp and the Justice Department Program for Enemy Aliens," in Japanese Americans: From Relocation to Redress , edited by Roger Daniels, Sandra C. Taylor, and Harry H. L. Kitano (Revised edition, Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1991), 58; Tetsuden Kashima, Judgment Without Trial: Japanese American Imprisonment during World War II (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2002), 110; Richard Melzer, "Casualties of Caution and Fear: Life in Santa Fe’s Japanese Internment Camp, 1942–46," in Essays in Twentieth-Century New Mexico History , edited by Judith Boyce DeMark (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994), 215; George Hoshida diary, June 18, 1943, in George and Tamae Hoshida, Taken from the Paradise Isle: The Hoshida Family Story , ed. Heidi Kim, foreword by Franklin Odo (Boulder: University of Colorado Press, 2015), 201; Yasutaro [Keiho] Soga, Life behind Barbed Wire: The World War II Internment Memoirs of a Hawai'i Issei , translated by Kihei Hirai (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2008), 141, 151, 154, 175, 187–88; Suikei Furuya, An Internment Odyssey: Haisho Tenten , translated by Tatsumi Hayashi, foreword by Gary Y. Okihiro, introduction by Brian Niiya and Sheila Chun (Honolulu: Japanese Cultural Center of Hawai'i, 2017), 188 223.
- ↑ Kashima, Judgment Without Trial , 110; 255n20; Melzer, "Casualties of Caution and Fear," 227; Culley, "The Santa Fe Internment Camp," 59–61; Soga, Life behind Barbed Wire , 125, 128, 135, 157; Furuya, An Internment Odyssey , 185, 201; Letter, Tetsuo Tanaka to Otokichi and Hideko Ozaki, Mar. 2, 1945, in Family Torn Apart: The Internment Story of the Otokichi Muin Ozaki Family , edited by Gail Honda (Honolulu: Japanese Cultural Center of Hawai'i, 2012), 205; Norman I. Hirose Interview by Tom Ikeda, Segment 28, Emeryville, California, July 31, 2008, Topaz Museum Collection, Densho Digital Repository, https://ddr.densho.org/media/ddr-densho-1013/ddr-densho-1013-7-transcript-f4f16d740d.htm .
- ↑ Carroll and Russell, "The Santa Fe Detention and Internment Camp," 41, 51; Melzer, "Casualties of Caution and Fear," 215–16; Culley, "The Santa Fe Internment Camp," 60; Stephen Mak, "'America’s Other Internment': World War II and the Making of Modern Human Rights" (Ph.D. dissertation, Northwestern University, 2009), 198–99; Kashima, Judgment Without Trial , 110.
- ↑ Culley, "The Santa Fe Internment Camp," 59; Kashima, Judgment Without Trial , 110; Melzer, "Casualties of Caution and Fear," 213–14, 216–17.
- ↑ Kashima, Judgment Without Trial , 118–19; Soga, Life behind Barbed Wire , 123, 129, 147–48, 151, 153, 156; Masao Araki interview by Helen Hasegawa, July 3, 1980, Fresno, California, Success Through Perseverance, Special Collections Research Center, Henry Madden Library, California State University, Fresno, CSU Japanese American History Digitization Project, Densho Digital Repository, http://ddr.densho.org/ddr-csujad-8-4/ ; Melzer, "Casualties of Caution and Fear," 217–18;
- ↑ Kashima, Judgment Without Trial , 118–19, 206; Soga, Life behind Barbed Wire , 169–79 passim, 209, 211; Furuya, An Internment Odyssey , 220, 224–25; Culley, "The Santa Fe Internment Camp," 66.
- ↑ Melzer, "Casualties of Caution and Fear," 218, 219, 223–24, 227; Soga, Life behind Barbed Wire , 127–28, 135–36, 140, 164–65, 184, 187 191–92; Kango Takamura, undated questionnaire, California State University, Fullerton, University Archives and Special Collections, CSU Japanese American Digitization Project, accessed on May 11, 2020 at https://calisphere.org/item/16772b7d5d7bc5ef5f378f5f3301f7ef/ ; Kashima, Judgment Without Trial , 118, 255n20; Culley, "The Santa Fe Internment Camp," 61; Letter, Seikaku Takezono to Otokichi Ozaki, Feb. 22, 1945, in Honda, ed., Family Torn Apart , 202; Furuya, An Internment Odyssey, 194, 331n14; Usaburo Katamoto, interview by Gael Gouveia and Mark Matsunaga, Jan. 17, 1978, Kahaluu, Oahu, Hawaii, Remembering Kakaako: 1910–1950 , Center for Oral History, University of Hawaii, accessed on May 11, 2020 at https://scholarspace.manoa.hawaii.edu/handle/10125/30158 .
- ↑ Soga, Life behind Barbed Wire , 129–30, 142; Melzer, "Casualties of Caution and Fear," 224–25; Hoshida, Taken from the Paradise Isle , 201–03.
- ↑ Furuya, An Internment Odyssey, 188–200 passim, 206–07, 214, 221, 232, 237–38, 243; Bunyu Fujimura, Though I Be Crushed: The Wartime Experiences of a Buddhist Minister (Los Angeles: The Nembutsu Press, 1985), 83; Carroll and Russell, "The Santa Fe Detention and Internment Camp," 48; Minako Waseda, "Extraordinary Circumstances, Exceptional Practices: Music in Japanese American Concentration Camps," Journal of Asian American Studies 8.2 (June 2005), 181–83; Soga, Life behind Barbed Wire , 132, 136–47 passim, 153, 157, 159, 163–64, 169, 175, 178, 185–86, 188, 193–94, 202–03; Melzer, "Casualties of Caution and Fear," 219–20; Culley, "The Santa Fe Internment Camp," 61; Bill Nishimura Interview by Alice Ito, Segment 8, Klamath Falls, Oregon, July 2, 2000, Densho Visual History Collection, Densho Digital Repository, https://ddr.densho.org/media/ddr-densho-1000/ddr-densho-1000-119-transcript-95c21cc1db.htm ; Frank Sumida Interview by Tom Ikeda (primary); Barbara Takei (secondary), Segments 29 and 30, Los Angeles, California, September 23, 2009, Densho Visual History Collection, Densho Digital Repository, https://ddr.densho.org/media/ddr-densho-1000/ddr-densho-1000-261-transcript-94f6aab359.htm .
- ↑ Melzer, "Casualties of Caution and Fear," 218; Soga, Life behind Barbed Wire , 145, 157, 160–63; Furuya, An Internment Odyssey , 213; Mak, "'America's Other Internment,'" 220.
- ↑ Jerre Mangione, An Ethnic at Large: A Memoir of America in the Thirties and Forties (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1978), 323, 341; Loyd H. Jensen obituary, Monthly Review, Immigration and Naturalization Service 9.5 (1951), 67, accessed on May 11, 2020 at https://books.google.com/books?id=h8mXuu2KX6EC&pg=PA67&lpg=PA67&dq=loyd+h.+jensen&source=bl&ots=x4_6VQC9Is&sig=ACfU3U2t9E9qaLKvBzCCFvjtbvduiefQ1w&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiqseWPm7bpAhVfAZ0JHfZGB2MQ6AEwA3oECAgQAQ#v=onepage&q=loyd%20h.%20jensen&f=false ; Soga, Life behind Barbed Wire , 161; An Interview with Abner Schreiber conducted by Paul F. Clark, March 19, 1979, California State University, Fullerton Oral History Program, Japanese American Project in Japanese American World War II Evacuation Oral History Project, Part II: Administrators , edited by Arthur A. Hansen, accessed on May 20, 2020 at http://content.cdlib.org/view?docId=ft7199p03k;NAAN=13030&doc.view=frames&chunk.id=Abner%20Schreiber&toc.depth=1&toc.id=0&brand=calisphere ; Culley, "The Santa Fe Internment Camp," 67.
- ↑ Furuya, An Internment Odyssey , 190–93, 207–08, 239; Soga, Life behind Barbed Wire , 128–29, 135, 144, 156, 178, 189; Culley, "The Santa Fe Internment Camp," 62; "An Issei Minister in Santa Fe," Hawaii Herald , Sept. 19, 1980, 4. On Koba, see Louis Fiset, "Medical Care for Interned Enemy Aliens: A Role for the US Public Health Service in World War II," American Journal of Public Health 93.10 (Oct. 2003), 1651; Grace McBride, "The Mysterious Life of Tsuneyoshi Koba, a Medical Doctor at the Kooskia Internment Camp," The Kooskia Internment Camp Archeaological Project Blog, accessed on May 17, 2020 at https://kooskiaarchaeology.wordpress.com/2011/06/08/the-mysterious-life-of-tsuneyoshi-koba-a-medical-doctor-at-the-kooskia-internment-camp/ ; and "Fake Doctor Nabbed in Sensational Forgery Case," Shin Sekai Asahi Shinbun , June 27, 1935, 1–2, Hoji Shinbun Digital Collection, Hoover Institution Library & Archives, Stanford University, accessed on May 17, 2020 at https://hojishinbun.hoover.org/?a=d&d=nws19350627-01.1.7 .
- ↑ Culley, "The Santa Fe Internment Camp," 62–63; Soga, Life behind Barbed Wire , 145; Mangione, An Ethnic at Large , 337–39; Kashima, Judgment Without Trial , 118.
- ↑ Kashima, Judgment Without Trial , 206–07; Culley, "The Santa Fe Internment Camp," 64–66; Furuya, An Internment Odyssey , 228–30; Soga, Life behind Barbed Wire , 180–83; Mak, "'America’s Other Internment,'" 208.
- ↑ Carroll and Russell, "The Santa Fe Detention and Internment Camp," 56; Barbara Wyatt, ed., Japanese Americans in World War II: National Historic Landmarks Theme Study (Washington, D.C.: National Historic Landmarks Program, National Park Service, U.S. Department of the Interior, 2012), 168; Aaron Cantú, "When Santa Fe Had a Japanese Prison Camp," Santa Fe Reporter, Feb. 20, 2018, accessed on May 17, 2020 at https://www.sfreporter.com/news/2018/02/21/when-santa-fe-had-a-japanese-prison-camp/ .
- ↑ Kellie Nicholas, "Section One: Santa Fe Marker Project and Controversy," in Confinement in the Land of Enchantment , ed. Sarah R. Payne (Fort Collins, Colo.: Colorado State University, Public Lands History Center, ), 103–04; Okawa, Remembering Our Grandfather's Exile , 16–18.
Last updated July 3, 2021, 10:32 p.m..